Summary Back home, the war protests continued unabated. In 1969, 448 universities had strikes or were forced to close. On April 22, I was surprised to read in The Guardian that Ed Whitfield from Little Rock had led an armed group of blacks to occupy a building on the campuses of Cornell University in Ithaca, New York. Just the summer before, Ed had been criticized by young militant blacks in Little Rock when we worked together to help Fulbright get reelected. I sit with Shakespeare and he winces not. Across the color line I move arm in arm with Balzac and Dumas, where smiling men and welcoming women glide in gilded halls. From out the caves of evening that swing between the strong-limbed earth and the tracery of the stars, I summon Aristotle and Aurelius and what soul I will, and they come all graciously with no scorn nor condescension. So, wed with Truth, I dwell above the Veil. Is this the life you grudge us, O knightly America? Is this the life you long to change into the dull red hideousness of Georgia? Are you so afraid lest peering from this high Pisgah, between Philistine and Amalekite, we sight the Promised Land? Many years later, after Friedland had become a billionaire copper and gold mining executive鈥攚orking out of Vancouver, Singapore, and Mongolia鈥擨 met him for drinks in New York. That evening I emailed Jobs and mentioned my encounter. He telephoned me from California within an hour and warned me against listening to Friedland. He said that when Friedland was in trouble because of environmental abuses committed by some of his mines, he had tried to contact Jobs to intervene with Bill Clinton, but Jobs had not responded. 鈥淩obert always portrayed himself as a spiritual person, but he crossed the line from being charismatic to being a con man,鈥?Jobs said. 鈥淚t was a strange thing to have one of the spiritual people in your young life turn out to be, symbolically and in reality, a gold miner.鈥? 工口里番全色彩无遮挡 亚丝娜桐人h本全彩里番 里番外番口工全彩本子 At the time the strikes were launched, our intelligence indicated that substantial amounts of biological and chemical materials that had been in Iraq at the end of the Gulf War as well as some missile warheads were still unaccounted for, and that some elementary laboratory work toward acquiring a nuclear weapon was being done. Our military experts felt that unconventional weapons might have become even more important to Saddam because his conventional military forces were much weaker than they had been before the Gulf War. Jobs knew how to appeal to Wozniak. He didn鈥檛 argue that they were sure to make money, but instead that they would have a fun adventure. 鈥淓ven if we lose our money, we鈥檒l have a company,鈥?said Jobs as they were driving in his Volkswagen bus. 鈥淔or once in our lives, we鈥檒l have a company.鈥?This was enticing to Wozniak, even more than any prospect of getting rich. He recalled, 鈥淚 was excited to think about us like that. To be two best friends starting a company. Wow. I knew right then that I鈥檇 do it. How could I not?鈥? Some on the team found Jobs impossible to work with. 鈥淛obs seems to introduce tension, politics, and hassles rather than enjoying a buffer from those distractions,鈥?one engineer wrote in a memo to Raskin in December 1980. 鈥淚 thoroughly enjoy talking with him, and I admire his ideas, practical perspective, and energy. But I just don鈥檛 feel that he provides the trusting, supportive, relaxed environment that I need.鈥? This unfortunate economic situation does not mean the hindrance of all advance in the black South, or the absence of a class of black landlords and mechanics who, in spite of disadvantages, are accumulating property and making good citizens. But it does mean that this class is not nearly so large as a fairer economic system might easily make it, that those who survive in the competition are handicapped so as to accomplish much less than they deserve to, and that, above all, the personnel of the successful class is left to chance and accident, and not to any intelligent culling or reasonable methods of selection. As a remedy for this, there is but one possible procedure. We must accept some of the race prejudice in the South as a fact,鈥攄eplorable in its intensity, unfortunate in results, and dangerous for the future, but nevertheless a hard fact which only time can efface. We cannot hope, then, in this generation, or for several generations, that the mass of the whites can be brought to assume that close sympathetic and self-sacrificing leadership of the blacks which their present situation so eloquently demands. Such leadership, such social teaching and example, must come from the blacks themselves. For some time men doubted as to whether the Negro could develop such leaders; but to-day no one seriously disputes the capability of individual Negroes to assimilate the culture and common sense of modern civilization, and to pass it on, to some extent at least, to their fellows. If this is true, then here is the path out of the economic situation, and here is the imperative demand for trained Negro leaders of character and intelligence,鈥攎en of skill, men of light and leading, college-bred men, black captains of industry, and missionaries of culture; men who thoroughly comprehend and know modern civilization, and can take hold of Negro communities and raise and train them by force of precept and example, deep sympathy, and the inspiration of common blood and ideals. But if such men are to be effective they must have some power,鈥攖hey must be backed by the best public opinion of these communities, and able to wield for their objects and aims such weapons as the experience of the world has taught are indispensable to human progress.